13. Recalls, in that context, that the Council has repeatedly warned
Iraq that it will face serious consequences as a result of its continued
violations of its obligations;
14. Decides to remain seized of the matter. [Res1441]
Since 13 did not state what those consequences would be, it was up to
the U.N. together to decide what they were, not individual countries.
When the resolution was passed, every Council ambassador other than
Washington's made clear the resolution provides no authorisation for
war. According to Mexico's Ambassador, Adolfo Aguilar Zinser, force
could only be valid, "with the prior, explicit authorisation of the
Security Council." [Primer]
As the U.N. Security Council could not even agree on a second resolution,
it was clear that the US and UK could not claim to be going to war to
uphold the U.N. or Resolution 1441.
The statement "Decides to remain seized of the matter" was important.
Lowe pointed out that Resolution 1441 left the Security Council "seized
of the matter" - diplomatic-speak for "asserting that it
holds the reins over this activity." Unless the Security Council
explicitly authorised a policy of "regime change", the Security
Council would still remain nominally in charge of setting the limits
of what the use of force was directed toward. The use of force might
legally be limited to the disarmament of Iraq. [CrimeofWar]
It was not because of Resolution 1441
Was it to uphold the resolutions of the U.N.?
...In addition to the dozen or so resolutions currently being violated
by Iraq, a conservative estimate reveals that there are an additional
88 Security Council resolutions about countries other than Iraq that
are also currently being violated.
[These 88 do] not include resolutions that merely condemn a particular action,
only those that specifically proscribe a particular ongoing activity or future
activity and/or call upon a particular government to implement a particular
action. [OutstandRes]
These countries include Turkey, Morocco, Croatia, Sudan, India, Pakistan
and Israel, many of which have strong links with the U.S.
We don't know for sure – that's why the U.N. inspectors are in Iraq.
As of the end of 2002, the inspectors have not indicated they have
found evidence of any viable weapons programs. When the earlier inspection
team, UNSCOM, left Iraq on the eve of Washington's December 1998 Desert
Fox bombing, they said they had found and destroyed or rendered harmless
90-95% of Iraq's WMD programs....There is certainly no active nuclear
program – that would be easily detectable by satellite and other technologies.
While it is possible that some chemical or biological material from
earlier weapons programs may remain in Iraq, as yet undetected by U.N.
inspectors, there is no indication that a viable delivery system for
such weapons exists.
The Bush administration claims Iraq does have WMDs – but they have
refused to reveal the evidence they claim to have to the public and
won't even provide all the evidence to the U.N. inspection teams. This
contradicts Washington's claim of an imminent threat from Iraqi WMDs
– were there such a threat, U.S. officials would surely immediately
provide the inspectors all the information needed to neutralise the
threat.
The U.S. willingness to talk to nuclear-armed North Korea, while refusing
to talk to Iraq, provides another clear indication that Iraq does not
have nuclear weapons. [Primer]
Accusations of Iraqi possession of ballistic missiles are similarly
outdated: According to a 1998 report by the U.N. Special Commission
on Iraq (UNSCOM), 817 of Iraq's 819 Soviet-built ballistic missiles
have been accounted for and destroyed. Iraq may possess up to a couple
of dozen home-made versions, but none of these have been tested and
it is questionable whether they have any functional launchers. [BushFails]
If it really was just getting rid of WMD, you would expect that the
US/UK would focus initially on those countries which are known to
have them, not suspected, and therefore are a greater threat; for example,
North Korea, Israel and Pakistan. It is also rank hypocrisy to complain
about other countries having WMD when the US and UK both retain their
own stock – in the case of the UK, for no military or strategic reason.
The inability of the US occupation forces to find any WMD over two months
since the 'end' of the war further confirms the argument.
It
was not to get rid of Weapons of Mass Destruction
Was it for self-defence?
Iraq's military is much smaller and weaker than before the 1991 Gulf
War; the Pentagon estimates it is only about one-third its earlier
size. It lacks the missile capacity to reach even most of its neighbours,
let alone the United States...In the State Department's 2001 edition
of its annual Report on Global Terrorism, the U.S. acknowledged that
Iraq "has not attempted an anti-Western attack since its failed plot
to assassinate former President Bush in 1993 in Kuwait." [Primer]
The U.N. Charter does not support a claim of self-defence either:
According to the United Nations Charter, no nation has the right to
attack another. The only exceptions are 1) if the Security Council
specifically authorises a military strike, or 2) in self-defence. "Self-defence" is
defined very narrowly. Article 51 of the Charter says a country has
the right of self-defence only "if an armed attack occurs". Iraq has
not attacked the U.S., so self-defence does not apply. The U.S. claims
it has the right of "pre-emptive self-defence" to go to war against
Iraq, without any further authorisation from the United Nations. But
the U.N. Charter does not authorise such a claim. Some scholars believe
that stopping an imminent attack would also give a country the right
to use military force in a kind of self-defence. But even that argument
fails, because no one, even the Bush super-hawks, claims that an Iraqi
attack of any sort, especially on the United States, is "imminent". [Primer]
The inability of the Iraqi army to prevent the USA and UK from conquering
the country shows how little a threat they were.
It
was not for self-defence
Was it to combat terrorism?
Iraq had nothing to do with the September 11th attacks.
In fact, Iraq has a long history of antagonism to Osama bin Laden
and al-Qaeda. According to the New York Times: "[S]hortly after Iraqi
forces invaded Kuwait in 1990, Osama bin Laden approached Prince Sultan
bin Abdelaziz al-Saud, the Saudi defence minister, with an unusual
proposition....Arriving with maps and many diagrams, Mr. Bin Laden
told Prince Sultan that the kingdom could avoid the indignity of allowing
an army of American unbelievers to enter the kingdom to repel Iraq
from Kuwait. He could lead the fight himself, he said, at the head
of a group of former mujahideen that he said could number 100,000 men." Even
though the offer was undoubtedly exaggerated, bin Laden's hostility
toward secular Iraq is clear. There is no evidence that that has changed.
Far from making Americans more secure, there is every reason to fear
that war against Iraq will place Americans in greater danger. Across
the Middle East, anti-American feeling is already widespread due to
U.S. financial and diplomatic backing of Israel's occupation of Palestinian
land and its support for corrupt and repressive regimes across the
Arab world. A U.S.-led war against Iraq will further exacerbate that
anger, perhaps leading more desperate individuals to turn to acts of
violence against individual Americans or institutions perceived as
symbols of American power or policy. [Primer]
Osama bin Laden is from Saudi Arabia and fifteen of the nineteen September
11th hijackers came from Saudi Arabia. So why is that country still an
ally?
It
was not to combat terrorism
Was it for humanitarian reasons?
Claiming that an attack on Iraq is for humanitarian reasons is disingenuous
at the least.
The weakness of the [U.S.] administration's position is apparent in
its insistence of repeating stories of Iraqi atrocities from more than
ten to twenty years ago, such as its support for international terrorist
groups like Abu Nidal and its use of chemical weapons. It was during
this period when the United States was quietly supporting the Iraqi
regime, covering up reports of its use of chemical weapons and even
providing intelligence for Iraqi forces that used such weapons against
Iranian troops.
Though the 1980s marked the peak of Iraq's support for terrorist groups,
the U.S. government actually dropped Iraq from its list of states sponsoring
terrorism because of its own ties to the Iraqi war effort. [BushFails]
Economic sanctions remain the main impediment to rebuilding Iraq.
Before sanctions were imposed, ninety percent of Iraq's income came
from oil exports. Once sanctions prohibited all oil sales, lack of
access to even basic food and medicine soon reached catastrophic levels
for the once largely middle-class population. Repair of the country's
water, electrical, and oil systems, and other infrastructure, devastated
in the 1991 bombing campaign, stalled.
U.S. officials have made it plain...that sanctions will not end while
Saddam Hussein remains in power. [Primer]
Saddam Hussein was undoubtedly an evil dictator and Iraq would have
been better off without him. But there are many other similar regimes
around the world. Zimbabwe, North Korea, China, Burma... In some of these
places, the repression is far worse than happened under Saddam. But the
U.S. and U.K. have not threatened to attack any of these countries to
help those suffering within. After the Tiananmen Square massacre, there
was no invasion of China by the U.S. When thousands were dying in Rwanda,
there was no call for war. 'Humanity' was less important then.
It was not for
humanitarian reasons
Was it for oil?
U.S. threats to go to war against Iraq are largely driven by oil and
empire – expanding U.S. military and economic power. As these goals
primarily benefit oil companies and the already rich and powerful,
the Bush administration relies on fear to mobilise public support for
war among ordinary Americans by linking Iraq falsely with the very
real threat of terrorism and through rhetoric like "axis of evil".
Many top officials of the Bush administration come directly out of
the oil industry. President Bush himself, as well as Vice-President
Dick Cheney, National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, Secretary
of Commerce Donald Evans and others all have strong ties to oil companies.
But the U.S. isn't threatening an invasion simply to ensure its continued
access to Iraqi oil. Rather, it is a much broader U.S. play for control
of the oil industry and the ability to set the price of oil on the
world market.
Iraq's oil reserves are second only to Saudi Arabia's. And with U.S.-backed
Saudi Arabia increasingly unstable, the question of which oil companies
– French, Russian, or American – would control Iraq's rich but unexplored
oil fields once sanctions are lifted has moved to the top of Washington's
agenda. Many in the Bush administration believe that in the long term,
a post-war, U.S.-dependent Iraq would supplant Saudi control of oil
prices and marginalise the influence of the Saudi-led OPEC oil cartel.
Iraq could replace Saudi Arabia, at least partially, at the centre
of U.S. oil and military strategy in the region, and the U.S. would
remain able to act as guarantor of oil for Japan, Germany, and other
allies in Europe and around the world. [Primer]
Do you really think that the U.S. would have cared a jot about Iraq's
invasion of Kuwait if the latter country was not sitting on so much oil?
They showed little concern over the war with Iran. The Gulf War was the
first of the global, modern day oil wars. This is the second.